The Caste of Credit in India !

The Caste of Credit in India

By,  NAVJOT SANGWAN

NEW DELHI – In 1950, the newly independent India officially abolished its caste system and outlawed discrimination against the Dalits, known as “untouchables,” who had been relegated to the bottom of that rigid social hierarchy. This attempt to right historical wrongs was underpinned by a virtuous capitalist vision of thriving Dalit businesses that lifted their owners to a level of social and economic respectability that eroded prejudice against them.

Even after the United Kingdom leaves the European Union, the country will face years of talks in which it will be negotiating from a position of weakness. The UK will be less prosperous and influential than before, and will be under increasing internal strain because of policies driven by malignant English nationalism.

But India’s caste system, buttressed by 3,000 years of history, has proved highly resilient. Despite nearly seven decades of well-meaning government intervention, caste identity continues to pervade every aspect of rural life in India, with Dalits facing deeply entrenched prejudice that impedes their ability to build better lives for themselves and their families, and to contribute significantly to India’s economy.

India’s castes are traditionally defined in terms of the jobs their members hold. For Dalits, that has typically meant punishing labor in mines and quarries, in hot-spice farming, or brick kilns. Menial or unhygienic jobs – unblocking sewers, disposing of human waste, stripping animal carcasses – go largely to Dalits.

For all their hard work, Dalits frequently receive little or no pay. Though forced labor has been illegal in India since 1976, the government estimates that over 18 million Indians – largely Dalits – are unpaid workers or held in debt bondage. Despite comprising more than one-fifth of India’s population, Dalits control less than 5% of the country’s resources. One-third of India’s Dalit population live in absolute poverty, and less than 10% of Dalit households can afford safe drinking water or toilets.

This cycle of poverty has proved extremely hard to break. India has a free-market economy, in which entrepreneurship is valued and encouraged. But while there have been a few inspiring Dalit success stories, they stand out precisely because of their rarity. Despite a raft of quotas, grants, and subsidies aimed at eradicating the caste divide, Dalit entrepreneurs still lack access to the financing they need.

Higher-caste entrepreneurs seeking to start or expand their businesses can generally rely on a legitimate government-backed credit system to extend the needed financing. Dalits cannot. According to a recent study, Dalits are less likely than others to receive credit from formal financial institutions, and those who do receive lower amounts on less generous terms, which may drive them to unscrupulous lenders. Small wonder, then, that Dalit businesses struggle to compete.

One might argue that the disparity in access to credit is tied to differences in income, assets, or education. But the evidence suggests that direct caste discrimination also plays a role. Dalits routinely relay stories of being derided, humiliated, and bullied in rural banks. The abovementioned study confirms that banks have discriminated systematically – but subtly – against lower castes, in a range of “creative” ways. Loan applications from Dalits are discouraged, additional references are demanded, only small loan applications are approved, higher collateral requirements and interest rates are imposed, loan extensions are denied, long waiting times are enforced for opening bank accounts, and there is a lack of help when filling out complex application forms. This is not only immoral; it is sapping India of 20% of its entrepreneurial potential.

The problem extends beyond business loans. Dalits also face a broader lack of financial inclusion, which adds more fuel to this self-perpetuating cycle of prejudice and poverty. In 2016, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government implemented its rapid demonetization – removing 500- and 1,000-rupee banknotes from circulation, in order to reduce corruption – the poor and financially excluded Dalits suffered far more than any criminal.

India’s government must now channel the considerable political will to eliminate caste discrimination toward ensuring that the financial sector improves Dalits’ access to its services. What is required is a multi-pronged approach that accounts for the factors behind the persistence of caste discrimination.

For example, some lenders may be motivated by a deep-rooted aversion to Dalits, born of old cultural norms and beliefs. Others may assume that the Dalits lack the education or experience to use their loan wisely. Some studies suggest that Dalit borrowers themselves may trigger lenders’ prejudices, through a cultural reluctance to broadcast their entrepreneurial activities, to engage in direct negotiation, or to take big risks.

India cannot escape history, but it can address its legacy. Unless the government takes concrete steps to ensure that Dalits can thrive economically, the country will never repay its moral debts, and its society will never be whole.

Courtesy : Project Syndicate

Study of Gender,Caste and Religion,their intersection and interconnection in Aravind Malagatti’s “GOVERNMENT BRAHMANA” ! [ Book Review ]

Study of Gender,Caste and Religion,their intersection and interconnection in Aravind Malagatti’s “GOVERNMENT BRAHMANA” in Book Review — by Nikhil Sanjay-Rekha Adsule — October 29, 2019

INTRODUCTION
” कथा सुनो रे लोगों एक व्यथा सुनो रे लोगों
 हम मजदूर की करून कहानी आओ करीब से जानो
 खाने को खाना नही
 पिने को पानी नही
 पेहेनेको कपडा नही
 ये कैसा राज हैं भाई ये झूठा राज है भाई ll”      

                शाहीर विलास घोगरे

“कशाला झाली शिक्षणाची ओळख बरा तो ओहळयाचा गोटा गावची गुरे वळली असती तर असल्या इंगळया डसल्या नसत्या. “

                     दया मारुती पवार

 Aravind Malagatti’s ” GOVERNMENT BRAHMANA” is the first Dalit Autobiography i.e 1994 in Kannada Dalit Literature under the realm of Dalitiya Sahitya which in the words of Malagatti himself implies that it’s the literature belonging to category of Dalitatva which means it’s written by Dalits with a Dalit Consciousness.It’s a weapon ought to be used in Psychological Revolution against the multifaceted demon of Caste, to which (psychological Revolution) Malagatti puts on the higest pedestal and even states that ” Psychological Revolution is more powerful than a Blood revolution”.It invokes awareness, in fact creative awarness as stated by Janet Vucinich which does the work of demolishing the Brahmanical Ideology which has a deep imprint in the realm of Religion,Gender and Caste in so called Nation i.e India.It has both the aspects of personal and its interconnection with societal realm to borrow the analogy from Christian Lee Novetzke(2007).The book doesnt limit itself in the realm of so called Dalits but speaks for the Society which is marred by “Graded Inequality” to use Dr.Ambedkars analogy from his ” Annihilation of Caste” (1936).It is a reflection of view from the bottom as noted by renowned Historian D.D Kosambi, but it potrays the holistic attitude and aptitude of Society which is brilliantly captured by ace poet Namdeo Dhasal in his poetry collection गोलपीठा which says,
” त्यांची सनातन दया फाल्कलांड रॊडच्या भडव्याहून उंच   नाही “
thus the above “Sanatan” idea in the realm of Gender, Caste and Religion is tried to be captured in this paper.
Gender
“देहासी विटाळ म्हणती  सकळ
               आत्मा  तो निर्मळ शुध्दबुद्ध   
               देहींचा विटाळ  देहीच जन्मला
               सोवळा  तो झाला कवण धर्म
               विटाळ वाचोनि  उत्पत्ती नाही
               कोण  देह निर्माण नाही जगी ll”
          

• संत सोयराबाई

“तुझी  सत्ता आहे देहावरती मज माझ्यावरती तुझी किंचित नाही “
                             –  संत जनाबाई
The concept of Gender that is understood here is the recent one coming from evolving theories and legal principles that are being laid down.It deals with the notion of Gender as Socially constructed rather than notions of sex as bilogical construct to borrow from Martha Minnow.
In the very first chapter of his saga Malagatti writes about his Mother about her traits of being his companion, guide and protector along with exuding feminine charm.This very description of his Mother points to the aspect of liberation from Dalit patriarchy as mentioned by Karin Kapadia and S.Anandhi in their mammoth ” Dalit women : a vanguard of Alternative politics” with her successfully handling the void of her male counterpart(Malagatti lost his father when he was infant) thus rejecting the very compartmentalisation that was imposed on Women and differently on Dalit Women via the “infection of imitation ” which led to the march of differentiation of Castes as mentioned by Dr.Ambedkar in his Classic “Castes in India”(9th May, 1916).Malagatti even mentions the concept of Varna Hierarchy as potrayed in Purushsukta in Tenth Mandala of Rigveda which is in alignment with laterly composed treatise on Law i.e Manusmruti, Matsyapurana and Medhatithi, Satapatha Brahmana which push women under the realm of Brahmanical patriarchy as noted by Scholar Uma Chakravarthi via Subordination to the opposite sex i.e male.In another instance during a festive meal  he mentions of his Aayi about her assertion i.e Dalit Assertion to use Prof.Sudha Pai’s analogy when the guard who ought to catch the food theives tries to touch her, sensing the very nature of touch that has traits of patriarchy, exclusion, suppression, oppression i.e Touch when analysed from its Social and Historical Aspects along with its Society, Sociality, Sociability to borrow from Aniket Jaware’s Practising Caste points to the very understanding of hers which the above theorists have tried to theorize but the very Social Structure coming with its dilemmas and Casteist morals have imbibed in her the required sense as well the phenomelogy of Touch.This discrimination of Caste with has entered in the realm of Gender is also evident in chapter 4 of the book in which Caste has even entered in the realm of Animals in this case the mating of Buffaloes by again taking the example of Non-Brahmin Sage Vishwamitra and  Brahmin Sage Vasishta and even the animals that are created by them i.e the so called Holy which were epitome of sweetness, beauty, purity belonged to Brahmin Sage and those of opposite qualities belonging to NonBrahmin Sage and this control on intermixture of sex which is the most important of Caste system has been extended in Animals too.The above discussion in Malagattis book points to the intricacies of Caste and its spill effect in the realm of Gender which has been theorised by Uma Chakravarthi in her book ” Gendering Caste“.Malagatti asks a crucial question here that how can a society which doesn’t give chance  to the creations of Vishvamitra to make love naturally give a chance for human lovers to meet? To take this discrimination practised in the realm of animals he mentions of a instance in chapter 11 where a dog from his dalit colony is killed because he mates with the sahukars bitch of the village.He closes the chapter with brilliant lines that Dalit Colony is the maternal home for all village dogs which has a potential hidden meaning beneath it.Thus taking this analogy of Caste it can be derived that caste has certain upper tendencies and certain lower tendencies.Again in chapter 5 he mentions of the discrimination practised by Women during washing clothes by demarcating the areas where which women of what caste shall wash clothes and even differentiation of Stones on the basis of Caste.Dr.Ambedkar said Women are the gateways to Casteism, but here the problem was that the very beings which are treated as Shudras in daily lives to quote historian Romila Thapar and Untouchables during some days i.e “menstruation” could practise the very institution under which they are crushed?  This makes important to look into the claims made Dalit Women which was theorized by Dr.Gopal Guru in ” Dalit women speak differently”.In chapter 8 being a folk scholar himself he has potrayed the degrading, an assault to human dignity and hegemonic as well as brahmanical, casteist practise of Okuli which was an assault especially on Dalit women in the garb of traditions and invoking the fear of God which implies the imposed subservient conditionalities on Dalit women being crushed under dual patriarchal systems under the subset of traditions in which she had no say! Dr.Ambedkar rightly said that to undo the menance of such caste affiliated humilations it needs annihilation of caste which can be achieved by destruction of very such rituals and traditions of whose source lies in the Brahmanical Religious Books.In chapter 11 Malagatti mentions of Prostitutes who practised the profession owing to the imposition of Societal injustices on them from above owing to the Traditional  and Brahmanical System(jogtinis).It must be remembered that the women who practised the prostitution belong to particular Caste of Society for which Ambedkar in 1936 asked for giving up of this disgraceful profession and this was even a huge controversy when Panther  Raja Dhale challenged Durgabai Bhagwat to take up the profession herself when she asked support for making prostitution legal in Maharashtra.The same chapter also speaks on the the class difference among the women where he mentioned the liberated attitude of women of his caste in village while smoking beedis vis a vis hypocrisy  practised by Women of the cities for the same.In chapters 14 and 15 he mentions about the love which falls in a larger scheme of things, the love which ought to be one of the factors in annihilation of caste and also the one which ought to be a primary means for instituting fraternity and eventually for success of Democracy in the  form of mode of associated living.In both instances Caste Consciousness hinders this so called Love in the via the modes of self or societal ethos which still is a compartmentalised one and has caste consciousness as the subtext with the ideal of endogamy and preventing the respective enclosures in the name of culture.
Religion
I regard true Religion as that Religion which recognises the principle of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
  
                                    Dr. B.R.Ambedkar.

Religion should be organic and based on principles and not dogmatic !
      
                                   Dr.B.R Ambedkar.
Karl Marx spoke of Religion is the opium of the masses whereas Dr.Ambedkar(volume 17) spoke of necessity of Religion along with the values that should be inherent in Religion.Malagattis text speaks in each instance speaks volumes on the very Hindu religion which Dr.Ambedkar in his 1942 speech equates with Hinduism, Hindutva and Brahminism as one and the same.The whole book speaks on the violation of basic Human Dignity, Basic Human Rights in pre independent India as well as post Independent India raising an important  question whether what should triump public/societal morality or Constitutional morality.Ambedkar answers this by quoting Historian Grotus and votes for Constitutional Morality.The very religion even triumphs the political Freedom  when boiling water is splashed on the chest of malagattis uncle on 15th August and Thus he says I shall always  remember 15th August  for this instance and not for Nehru’s Tryst with destiny ! This is also in alignment with Shahir Annabhau Sathe’s march on 15th August saying, ” This freedom is a Farce!” Each chapter and each line speaks on the subtle nature of caste its accommodating tendencies as per the changing domains of time space and place and thus ultimately leading to triumph of it and along with it that of Majoritarian Religion.Malagatti here mentions of Veerashaivism which came with the reformer Basavanna in 12th century karnataka but mentions that though conversion happened Castes still remained as he mentions of Veerashaiva Harijans!This he points to the inability of surmounting the barriers of caste only with religious conversion because the psychology of so called people of India is so imbibed with casteism and related tendencies that caste too found its way in the newly adopted religions which he mentions by giving examples of Buddhism in Maharashtra as well as that of Veerashaivism in Karnataka.Again he mentions of Brahmanical tendencies being percolated in the religions via the notions of purity, pollution and vegetarianism of which Dr.kancha ilaiah talks in his Buffalo Nationalism and Dr.Ambedkar in his who were the untouchables? (1948).In chapter 12 he talks of Access to the House of God was not only restricted to him in person but even the sketch made by him of Lord Raghvendra which eventually led his feeling of devotion from zero to a virtual vacuum.Again in chapter 13 he talks of his escape from a temple where he pretended to be a Brahmin and eventually got caught which left a deep imprint on his further life.In chapter 18 he speaks of people who themselves call them Marxists and practise Caste in the name of Atheism.Thus the very Hindu Brahmanical tendencies supplanted in the society are at length discussed in great detail by malagatti and makes us ponder that can there ever be a Egalitarian Society?
Caste
     “जात ना पूछो साधू की, पूछो उस्का ग्यान l”
                                    
                                                –संत कबीर

Discussing Caste separately falls beyond the scope of this paper as the whole experience of Author which are narrated via chapters in the book speak of various instances which falls exclusively as well as in tandem with Gender and Religious domain.But to sum up the lacuna of treatment or addressing of Caste system by Scholars it implies that there’s an emphasis only on ritual aspect of Caste System i.e ideology inherent in working of the system i.e evident in the writings of scholars like  Michael Moffet and Louis Dumont rather than that of Gerald Berreman and Joan Mencher owing to their treatment of Caste System as a set of consensual values which also addresses the experiential dimensions of Caste system by both the dominant and dominated too.Dr.Ambedkar put forth a new perspective by treating Caste within the realm of Sociology as well as Cultural domain in the realm of purity and pollution but taking a view from the bottom which has been very selectively neglected by academicians.It is a gigantic task to analyse only caste so its other varied aspects are discussed below.
Intersection and Interconnection:
Aravind Malagattis masterpiece is one such fora where a deep analysis of graded inequality can be resorted to along with its mobilities  in the domain of Gender and Caste which is specific in India along with regional diversity.Caste does not operate solely on its own basis it always searches for a medium via which it could reinforce the hierarchies to establish the supremacy of few via keeping a huge chunk of populace in subordination by denial of basic rights, instituting inequality which hampers their access to basic necessities like food, clothing, shelter, health and education.As mentioned above in the sections of Gender and Religion, Caste has manifested itself in order to suit the requirements of specific modes of operation thus making course corrections in the way and have emerged  as a victor in maintaining the status quo of keeping Brahmanical hegemonies intact with the changing notions of time, space and place.It has maintained patriarchy via the medium of Caste in Indian context to borrow the analogy of Gerda Lerner by both psychological tendencies of Caste as per Tarde’s law of imitation as well as Mechanistic process, both are mentioned and explained in detail by Dr.Ambedkar in his scholarly work “Castes in India” thus imbibing the notions of being fissiparous as well as its virtue of self duplication in the realm of Gender and Religion  in India.This has been put to work via the mode of conscious command of supreme authority as well as unconscious growth in the life of a human society as noted by Dr.Ambedkar.
Conclusion
Thus the paper discussed the events in Malagattis “Government Brahmana” from below to use D.D Kosambis analogy and from the perspective of a Dalit with empathy and not sympathy in words of poet Namdeo Dhasal.It argues about the Nature of Caste which uses the medium of Gender and Religion to maintain its Supremacy via Psychological and Mechanical modus operandi via Scriptures, Shastras and so on.The pain mentioned in the book is specific as well as representative as Malagatti himself mentions in start of his Autobiography and in the very first stroke distances himself from the technique and attitude of M.K.Gandhi towards the issue of Caste.Thus the line of thought that ought to emanate from the book is Annihilation of Caste cant be taken with intermartiage and interdinning though both are important in their own sense but striking  at the very roots of this POISON to borrow from Arjun Dangles compilation, which is a mixture of Hierachies of Gender, Religion, Caste, Class i.e Destroying the very Authorities that give sanction to them which is striking a blow and destruction of so called Holy Religious Texts and thus destryoing their Sanctity for once and all as rightly espoused by Dr.Ambedkar in his Annihilation of Caste(1936).
References:

1. Castes in India
2. Annihilation of Caste
3. Ambedkar speeches and writing(Volume 17)
4. Seeking Begumpura by Gail Omvedt
5. Kondhwada by Daya pawar.
6. The making of Brahmanic hegemony by suvira jaiswal
7. Caste by suvira jaiswal
8. Golpitha by Namdeo Dhasal
9. D kosambi
10. Ancient India by Romila Thapar.
11. Gendering Caste by Uma chakrvarthi.
12. Why I am not a hindu by kancha ilaiah shepherd
13. From shepherd to intellectual by kancha ilaiah shepherd
14. Buffalo Nationalism by kancha ilaiah shepherd.
15. Poisoned Bread by Arjun Dangle.
16. Dalit panthers by j.v pawar
17. Dalit panthers by Sharan kumar limbale
18. Bijak of kabir
19. Ambedkar and Democracy by Christopher jeffrelot.
20. Justice engendered by Martha Minnow
21. Homo hierarchicus by Louis Dumont
22. Untouchable community in south india by Michael Moffat
23. Siva and her Sisters by karin kapadia
24. Dalit patriarchy by karin kapadia and S.Anandhi

Nikhil Sanjay-Rekha Adsule has completed B.E(Electrical) and my LLB from Savitribai Phule Pune University(SPPU). He also completed  Masters in History from I.G.N.O.U and Currently pursuing a Masters In Law from TATA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES (TISS)

Insertion of ‘insult’ in the NCRB report gives us a fresh perspective on Dalit atrocities and helps us take the empowerment conversation ahead.

NCRB adds ‘insult’ to crimes against Dalits. And yes, merit argument is an insult

Insertion of ‘insult’ in the NCRB report gives us a fresh perspective on Dalit atrocities and helps us take the empowerment conversation ahead.

Members of Dalit community display a portrait of Bhim Rao Ambedkar during 'Bharat Bandh' in New Delhi | PTI

One of the most interesting takeaways from the latest National Crime Records Bureau report on 2017 data was the recognition of a variety of crimes committed against Dalits. And that now includes insults.

The much-debated Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 explains the concept of insult and social ostracism in a detailed manner. 

Insult has many layers, especially in the context of caste.

The lack of acceptance of the Dalit community stems from an utter lack of empathy. This eventually leads to insults and ostracisation. Insulting Dalits has become an every-day affair in India. It is an attempt to show them their “place” in the social hierarchy.

The merit insult

When it comes to insults, let’s look at how jobs discriminate against SCs and STs.

There is a critical lack of representation of Dalits at crucial decision-making positions where it matters. Bureaucracy, think tanks, media, judiciary and academics are yet to witness a surge of Dalits in higher echelons.

A report 2018 said: “A study by Thorat and Attewell in 2010 observed that for equally qualified SC and upper caste (about 4800 each) applicants, SCs had 67 percent less chance of receiving calls for an interview. What is more disturbing is that the high percentage of less qualified high castes (undergraduate) received calls compared with the more qualified SCs (post-graduates).” What can be more insulting than that? Even after being more skilled and competent, you are less like to receive a call for an interview if you are a member of a Scheduled Caste. And yet, the argument of merit has been systematically been used as a tool of insult against the members of socially disadvantaged communities.

Back in our college, the concept of merit also led to ghettoisation of students belonging to a certain social background. One particular incident from my college days is still fresh in my memory. I participated in a debate spoke in English. This caused a section of the class to laugh at me. An upper-caste student had remarked: “Now we have to listen to these lesser mortals speaking in English as well?” At that age, it was difficult for me to imagine the gravity of the statement. It was insulting to be continuously reminded of the fact that “you don’t need to study and work hard, you will manage because you have reservations”.

With the emergence of people like Tina Dabi and Kanishak Kataria (both of them topped the UPSC exam, the stigma against Dalits has been somewhat dented.

Even so, daily insults, conscious or unconscious, cause a deep scar that most in the SC/ST community have to continuously carry.

Defying insults

There is a lack of academic resources on the impact of years of institutional oppression faced by Dalits. There should be a comprehensive study to measure the loss due to social discrimination over the years, like it has been explored in the United States.

This inclusion of ‘insult’ as a category was deliberately ignored by the Indian mainstream commentariat on the expected lines. The Ministry of Home Affairs deserves to be applauded because this monumental change will have far-reaching implications in Dalit studies. This change, coupled with other progressive measures like mentorship and handholding of first-generation Dalit entrepreneurs with schemes like Stand-up India, will help boost Dalit confidence.

There is a sense of instant dignity for us the moment we enter the newly constructed Dr Ambedkar International Centre at Janpath in New Delhi. It gives us a sense of ownership, of something tangible at India’s heart, as we witness the towering statue of Ambedkar sitting with his legs crossed in the Centre. The elites who deliberately kept the doors of the Indian International Centre closed for decades are surely scared of this democratisation. The Ambedkar Centre is particularly popular among Dalit intellectuals who are becoming a part of the system and ensuring that it is more open and transparent. That’s how you talk back to insults. They will not be a victim of unwelcoming glances that await them in the IICs and IHCs of New Delhi.

For the first time in the history of Independent India, there is institutional support for the emergence of a Dalit voice. Dalits are being heard and are not merely regarded as a political commodity. The time is not far when Dalits will seek to contest from unreserved constituencies and political parties would no longer be in a position to ignore their demands.

The insertion of ‘insult’ in the NCRB report will eventually give us a fresh perspective on Dalit atrocities and help us take the Dalit empowerment conversation ahead.

Author  : Shivam Vij / 25oct 2019 .

The author is an Assistant Professor at Patna University. He is a member of the state executive committee, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha, BJP’s youth wing, Bihar. Views are personal.

Will special status of NE states also be removed: Prakash Ambedkar

Will special status of NE states also be removed: Prakash Ambedkar
Prakash Ambedkar said despite the special status, several North-East states were facing insurgency.

Prakash Ambedkar said the decision to scrap Article 370 was taken hurriedly. (Photo: Twitter)

Hitting out at the Modi government for "hurriedly" scrapping Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, Dalit leader Prakash Ambedkar on Friday asked whether the special status of the North East states will also be removed. He said despite the special status, several North-East states were facing insurgency.

"The decision to scrap Article 370 was taken hurriedly. Before deciding on the move, the people of Kashmir were not taken into confidence," Ambedkar said while addressing a press conference in Nagpur.

"The fundamental rights of the people are the same as per Article 14 of the Constitution. Hence, will the rule implemented in Kashmir be applicable to the states that have special status?" asked the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) leader.

"Will the special status of states like Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Assam and Mizoram stay intact after the Centre's move of scrapping Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir?" he asked.

"Home Minister Amit Shah made a statement that Aksai Chin is part of India. I see a danger in the statement as till now various insurgent groups in the North East were fighting individually, but now we have given China an issue to bring them together," said Ambedkar.

He said reservation provided to backward classes is also a kind of special status.

"The reserved category also has a special status, but the government is trying to remove that status," he said.

The former MP appealed to the government to provide details about the dams being built by China on the Brahmaputra in Tibet.

"The Brahmaputra river originates in Tibet and comes to India. I appeal to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Amit Shah to tell the nation about how many dams China is constructing on the Tibet side," he said.

"If that water is blocked, then the Brahmaputra water, which is perennial now will it remain perennial? Will the seven sisters of North East remain with India if that water does not remain perennial? As per our information, those dams are nearing completion in next 3 to 4 years," he said.

Replying to a query, he said, "Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was not in favour of Article 370 when the Constitution was made in 1950. I feel he was right at that time because the people of Kashmir were attached to India through their heart and mind then."

"But today's situation is different as the people of Kashmir moved away from us psychologically. Babasaheb wanted to implement the Constitution in Kashmir and the people of Kashmir were also ready to accept it. But, now it is not appropriate as the people of Kashmir are no more attached to us through their mind and heart," Ambedkar said.

Also Read :

Allowing the State to Designate Someone as a ‘Terrorist’ Without Trial is Dangerous

Let's talk about caste ! WE THE PEOPLE .

Let's talk about caste ,
The launch of Suraj Yengde's book saw some much-needed social insights and discussions.

BY :

Smitha Verma

New Delhi

Qamar Sibtain

Dalit scholar Suraj Yengde at the launch of his book 'Caste Matters'.

It was a book launch where people walked out feeling stirred. It's no surprise that the event in question was first-generation Dalit scholar Suraj Yengde's book launch. The thought that most went back home with was about how voices against caste had to be raised not just loud but clear as well.

His book Caste Matters, published by Penguin, was launched at the India Habitat Centre this week. And on the podium were stalwarts like Bezwada Wilson, activist and head of Safai Karamchari Andolan, activist JV Pawar and academic Pratap Bhanu Mehta.

"Caste is a reality we don't want to confront," said Yengde as started talking about his book.

"How cruel can a society be which harms the most vulnerable," questioned the 30-year-old to a packed auditorium, which was paying rapt attention to every single word uttered this scholar with the Department of African and African-American studies at Harvard University. He argued how casteism has affected Dalits so much that it has almost become invisible to outsiders.

"Dalits are not asking for something more or less. They just want to be at par with other Indians," he adds.

On his part, Wilson commented about the unpardonable way Safai Karamcharis are treated by society. "Caste seems like an illusion to everyone. But the basis of all problems is the way we are practising caste. It's a barbaric practice, it destroys human beings," he commented.

Discussing how some of the provisions of the Constitution had been tampered with, Wilson said, "I have nothing to dream besides my Constitution. When that Constitution is being taken away, it feels like you are taking my life away from my body."

Pawar, while lauding Yengde for his achievements, narrated incidents of Dalit activism and the way the ideology has shaped up. He stressed on how casteism exists in religions as diverse as Islam, Buddhism and Christianity, and how every caste has a sub-caste leading to further alienation. "Caste matters and only education will survive to eliminate this caste system," he said with a note of optimism.

It's a book that reflects the coming of age of the Dalit movement. And Yengde highlights how half a million crimes have been committed against Dalits between 2006 and 2016.

For Mehta, the book holds promise and showcases the author as a romantic. "Yengde is a rising star. The most profound insight is that you have to be a romantic to see injustice." Mehta talked in detail about how the book provides a compelling reflection of caste in India.

On a critical note, Mehta added, "Suraj has an intense desire to give this world a sense of wholeness. This desire is so deep that sometimes it makes him impatient of ordinary social movements. You are a little harsh on these kinds of movements you criticise. Even for your project that group is important."

The high-brow book launch was also attended by activist author Arundhati Roy, theatre guru MK Raina and filmmaker author Natasha Badhwar, to name just a few.